Surdna grantees working to reestablish the basic promise that no American working 40 hours a week should have to live in poverty.
Today, the White House will name Saru Jayaraman, co-founder and co-director of Restaurant Opportunities Centers (ROC) United and author of Behind the Kitchen Door, and Christine Owens, executive director of the National Employment Law Project, a leading workers’ rights advocacy organization, as Champions of Change. Both of their organizations are supported by the Surdna Foundation.
Jayaraman and Owens receive this distinction with several activists, advocates, and business owners committed to making a fair and livable wage accessible to everyone and reestablishing the basic promise that no American working full time should have to live in poverty.
“This award is about amplifying the voices of restaurant workers across the country who are living off tips because their base wage is just $2.13 an hour; the waitresses who deal with sexual harassment every day and are told to get used to it because it’s ‘just part of the job’; and the millions of tipped workers who are routinely thrown under the bus at the last minute during minimum wage negotiations,” said Saru Jayaraman. “Raising the tipped minimum wage won’t just help those workers—it could provide our economy with a much needed boost.”
“With the middle class eroding and income inequality exploding, raising wages should be a national priority,” said Owens. “Tens of millions of full-time workers are struggling just to get by, and we need to return to the basic rule of ‘a fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work.’ That’s why NELP is fighting to raise the minimum wage at the federal level and in states, counties, and cities around the country. It’s time we lift wages across the bottom of the labor market and help build a robust and sustainable economy that benefits us all.”
NELP has also played a pivotal role in key state and local campaigns over the past decade, including ten successful ballot initiatives, numerous state legislative efforts and virtually all of the nation’s city-level minimum wage laws. NELP’s support for efforts nationally and in the states has helped win higher minimum wages for tens of millions of the nation’s lowest-paid workers and their families. In the past year alone, 12 states along with nine cities and counties have passed minimum wage increases, with a number of states approving rates of more than $10 per hour and Seattle enacting a groundbreaking $15 hourly rate—victories that are changing the nation’s wage-policy landscape.
Over the last five years, ROC has won 13 workplace justice campaigns against exploitative high-profile restaurant companies, obtaining more than $10 million and improvements in workplace policies for restaurant workers. They have also trained more than 1,000 restaurant workers to find good jobs and advance within the industry, published several ground-breaking reports on the restaurant industry, played an instrumental role in winning a statewide minimum wage increase for tipped workers, organized 40 restaurant workers to open their own cooperatively-owned restaurant, and grown to include more than 13,000 restaurant workers in our membership from at least 26 states.
The Champions of Change program was created as an opportunity for the White House to feature individuals doing extraordinary things to empower and inspire members of their communities. The event will be live streamed on the White House website. To watch this event live, visit www.whitehouse.gov/live. To learn more about the White House Champions of Change program, visit www.whitehouse.gov/champions.
The ceremony takes place today at 1:00 pm EDT. The event will be live streamed on the White House website. To watch this event live, visitwww.whitehouse.gov/live. To learn more about the White House Champions of Change program, visitwww.whitehouse.gov/champions.
Steve Dubb, Research Director, The Democracy Collaborative. The interview was originally published at the Democracy Collaborative web site communit-wealth.org The Democracy Collaborative are Surdna grantees.
Very early on I was interested in women’s issues probably because I am very much influenced by my mother and my grandmother. Starting in high school I was involved in the women’s forum and issues that affect low-income women. In New York City, while I was in college, I started to volunteer for the Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence. We were just starting a project to organize Asian immigrant women who were working in low-wage service jobs. At the time, a lot of the garment factories were starting to close down in New York City and the women who worked in those jobs started to move into service work, particularly care work—home care if they had their immigration documents; domestic work, restaurant women and beauty parlor work if they were undocumented.
So we saw a huge increase of Asian women working in poverty wage service jobs. These are highly vulnerable jobs where women were working 12-hour days and still earning below poverty wages. So we decided to reach out to women and explore different possibilities for organizing. It was always the domestic workers who wanted to come together and break out of the isolation of their work, support each other and ultimately wanted to organize. The project started organizing with Filipina domestic workers. From there, we began to organize domestic workers of all nationalities. It started out as an Asian worker organizing project, but quickly grew to be a citywide, multi-racial organizing project.
In the early years, it was members of the Women Workers Project, primarily Filipina domestic workers, who came together with other domestic workers. Some of them had worked in Hong Kong where the domestic workers’ movement had been organizing for years and years. They have an incredible organization and they have achieved strong legal standards for domestic workers. Many of the Filipina workers were accustomed to such standards and a set contract and established paid days off and such. When they came here, they were taken aback by the lack of protections and standards. And the lack of respect and recognition that this work was real work. They immediately asked the question: the rest of the workforce isn’t organized either. We need to organize together. So they began to organize Latina and Caribbean workers. That was the origins of Domestic Workers United.
Those domestic workers who had experienced a different level of worker standards, protection and power basically knew they had to work industry-wide to establish the same power here. So Domestic Workers United was launched in 2000 to bring Caribbean, Latina and Asian workers together to establish basic protections and build recognition that this domestic work is real work and that this workforce really is a part of the real economy and should be valued as such.
We decided to use legislative strategies to lift up the visibility of the workforce and test whether legislative campaigns would help us organize both workers and supporters. We started with a campaign in the City Council that would compel the agencies that place domestic workers to notify workers of their rights and employers of their legal obligations. Roughly 15% of the workforce is placed by an agency. These agencies are licensed by the City Department of Consumer Affairs. That bill was introduced in 2001 and came into effect in 2003. Hundreds of domestic workers went to City Hall to tell their stories, and that resulted in the passage of legislation, known as the Nanny bill. Its political champion was Gale A. Brewer, who is now the Manhattan Borough president.
After we passed the city bill, we were ready for the next step. We knew it wasn’t sufficient to have workers know their rights because legally domestic workers are excluded from many basic rights and protections. So we set out to change labor law, and in order to do so, we had to go statewide. We actually held a convention in November 2003 called the Having Your Say convention where we gathered over 200 domestic workers from all over the city. We had simultaneous interpretation in six different languages. They participated in small group discussions about what would it mean to have respect at work. It was an all-day convention.
We came out of that convention with a long list of priorities—health care, living wage of $14 an hour, notice of termination—a lot of things that you might find in a good union contract. We then worked with the New York University (NYU) Immigrant Rights Law Clinic, who helped us turn these priorities into actual draft language for state legislation that we introduced in 2004. That was the beginning of the campaign for a New York State Domestic Workers Bill of Rights, the state campaign to win rights and respect for domestic workers in New York, which, after it passed in 2010, became the flagship for us nationally.
They range from state to state but it could entail everything from overtime and paid days off, to protection from discrimination harassment, a day of rest per week, written contracts are in some of the bills—in short, basic workplace protections and standards.
The visibility of the workforce was dramatically increased. There is much greater awareness among both workers and employers of basic rights. The Department of Labor gets calls from employers quite often. We’ve heard from companies like Breedlove and Associates, which helps employers comply with tax laws, that after the law passed, New York went from ninth to second among states when it came to employer compliance with tax laws, second after California. There is a strong correlation between compliance with tax laws and labor laws.
We believe that a real cultural change has occurred, which occurred not only because of the passage of legislation but because of everything that made the legislation possible, like the media work, outreach and alliance building, all of the work that went into the seven-year organizing campaign. That, in conjunction with the partnership with state Department of Labor, elected officials who championed the bill and the media visibility it got once the governor signed it, really catalyzed a change in culture. It is much more recognized that this is a real job, one that plays an important role in our economy, supporting other working professionals. The idea that domestic work is the work that makes all other work possible is something that broke through in the public imagination in New York.
When the first domestic workers bill was passed in City Hall, City Council members–one after the other, particularly members of color as they announced their votes, talked about their mothers and grandmothers who did this work. Their vote for this bill was paying tribute to the unrecognized work the members of their families did. For them, it was about lifting up that untold history, righting an historic wrong, and supporting a 21-century workforce that was growing because of the growing needs. And we saw a very similar dynamic at the state level. There were many state legislators of color–of all nationalities–including many Irish immigrants and others whose personal stories are tied to this workforce.
Organizing among domestic workers in New York was growing. But parallel to New York, there were workers coming together in church basements, community centers and workers centers in California; Washington, D.C.; and Seattle, among other places. Most of that organizing was very slow and incremental, step-by-step, worker-by-worker. In the early 2000s it was still a challenge to gather eight women in a room together. But slowly through real, on-the-ground outreach at bus stops, train stations, and word-of-mouth, we started to reach more workers, and then reach out across the cities. Having a very visible campaign in New York helped catalyze that process, as it provided a visible example that this work was possible.
I was part of a cohort of 50 domestic workers and organizers from six cities in 2007 to gather in Atlanta to share lessons and strategies. Just the idea that we could lean on each other and learn from each other was a huge incentive to come together. When we did, it was so clear and palpable how powerful it would be to have a national vehicle and voice, both for mutual support, but also to raise respect and recognition of this work across cities and states. We started to imagine bigger and bigger, even globally. At that time, I was still working for the NY organization. A year or so after the founding of the national alliance in 2007, we were able to raise the resources to staff the national alliance. A year into that, we decided to hire a national director and I was hired.
We hired our first staff person in 2008. I came on in 2009. Jill Shenker, our current Field Director, was the first person hired by NDWA.
It went from a mutual support and capacity building network where we primarily focused on strengthening the impact of our affiliates locally to starting to think about national campaigns and state-by-state coordinated strategies, and now building our own chapters. In the first few years, we focused on supporting our affiliates in their state campaigns, which we still do. New York, California, and Hawai’i have all passed domestic workers state legislation. Then in 2010, we built the capacity to launch national campaigns of our own. We launched a campaign around Immigration: “We Belong Together.” In 2011, we worked with Jobs with Justice to launch “Caring Across Generations.”
It came about because in 2009 there was increased demand for training among our members, specifically for elder care. Even for people hired as nannies, they increasingly were being compelled to take on responsibility for home-based care for the aging and for people with disabilities or chronic illnesses. It was such a pattern that we decided to take a step back and figure out what was going on. And what we learned is that domestic workers are on the front lines of a tremendous shift in our generational demographics. The Baby Boom generation is reaching retirement age and people are living longer than ever … we are going to have the largest older population we have ever had and we have no infrastructure to support that. The “Sandwich” generation—the millions of Americans who are struggling to manage care for both their children and their aging parents and grandparents—are under tremendous pressure. There is very little support. If you are very poor, you might qualify for Medicaid. If you are very rich, you might be able to afford long-term care insurance. But even those supports are precarious in this current economic environment and most are caught in the middle without any support at all.
Between the struggles of families, and the vulnerability of this workforce there has to be a win-win scenario, where we could lift everyone up. We as a country should be prioritizing the caring for each other across generations. Bringing families, workers, seniors and people with disabilities together to create a more caring economy seemed like a powerful proposition in light of this age wave. That’s why we launched Caring Across Generations in 2011. It is a multi-generational movement of millions to embrace multi-generational relationships and care giving.
We worked with a broad coalition of groups to move a regulatory change at the Department of Labor that brought 1.8 million home care workers who were previously excluded, under minimum wage and overtime protections. This change will come into effect in 2015. In Ohio, where there is a rapid rate of aging in the state, we were able to move $169 million in Medicaid funding to support home and community based care.
The ACA expands access to health insurance low-wage workers under the expansion of Medicaid, in states where that expansion has been adopted. Many domestic workers and home care providers will have access to health insurance as a result. Many states, like Georgia have yet to adopt it, so this potential has not been fully realized.
Ultimately, however, we believe strongly that home care workers and domestic workers can play a critical role in preventative health care, and transforming the health care delivery system to create new efficiencies. With the appropriate support and training, care workers can help manage chronic illnesses, prevent unnecessary emergency room visits and much, much more to both support a better quality of life for the families and individuals they support, and save our health care system money.
We believe very strong a new economy is coming into being, and that the people whose experiences are the most invisible in this current economy must have a voice in shaping the future. That means small family farmers in the heartland, it means undocumented workers in urban areas, families that are facing deportation, and people coming out of incarceration. It means reaching all of those people and human potential that we want to be truly included in the new economy. We think it is possible. This is a country that has done incredible things, solved profound problems— built the transcontinental railroad, built the highways, brought the internet into all of our homes. This country has invested in that infrastructure. We believe it is important to involve as many people as we can in designing the 21-century infrastructure that we need to invest in—it’s both access to quality care, policies like paid family leave to support working families to do the work that they do, in addition to innovation, technology, and energy. It is not an either-or; it’s a both-and and we have historically been able to do those things.
Innovation and technology are essential to progress. The question is the values and priorities driving that innovation—if there are robots that are being built, they should enable domestic workers to improve the quality and increase the impact of the work they are doing. They should improve the quality of life for the workforce and the quality of care for the consumer, rather than replacing the workforce.
I think that worker cooperatives and social benefit corporations and other innovative models for both employment and opportunity should all be explored, especially a project like CHCA, an incredibly important endeavor. I know if you talk to folks at Cooperative Home Care Associates, they are not sure how replicable their model is. It took them more than 10 years to build. There was a very specific set of conditions that allowed for their model to succeed. Wherever it is possible, it is definitely worth pursuing.
I think of it in terms of different forms of power to create social change. There is political power, organizing and voter engagement are part of it. There is also narrative power – the ability to tell the story of why things are the way they are and shape the public narrative. There is also market power and modeling power. It allows us to shape what is possible and open people’s imagination to a new way of being that we want to move forward.
What cooperatives offer is both modeling power and economic power, offering us a model for a different type of employment and economic relationship. I believe it is most effective when it is alongside a strategy of building political and narrative power, but it is also powerful in and of itself. We are exploring enterprise models, and we have a lot of affiliates that are worker-owned cooperatives.
For example, in Boston, Vida Verde is a Brazilian women’s green cleaning cooperative; they make their green cleaning products themselves. The National Alliance is working on developing a social enterprise model that can create high-road jobs for domestic workers, promote higher standards, and generate revenue to support our organizing. We’re launching several pilots this year to that end.
We are trying to figure that out. Once we figure out the viable business models, then we can figure out the structural reforms that would make that model more successful. Policies that support social benefit corporations at the state and federal level are helpful. We should incentivize high-road development. We give millions of dollars to corporations in tax breaks that are questionable. Why wouldn’t we incentivize the high-road employers? In some ways, it is about leveling the playing field. We should transform our economy into one where it pays to be a good employer rather than an economy where good employers lose out.
Caring Across Generations is our movement to change care industry into a model industry for an economy where workers and consumers work in partnership to shape the future of the industry—rooted in values of connection, care, support, and practical needs of families and workers. Obviously, the economy is a vast place. We see our contribution as helping build this vision. If we can figure it out in care, we hope it will be a model for retail, restaurants, and other sectors. It is a movement. We are working at the state, federal, and municipal levels. Through the Caring Across Generations movement, we are working on policy; we’re engaged in advocacy, community and worker organizing, narrative and culture change strategies to expand access to quality care for individuals and families, while creating and transforming care jobs into jobs you can really take pride in. At the same time, NDWA is working on strengthening labor standards and building alternatives to support dignity and opportunity for the domestic workforce.
A mentor of mine said that you are going to have problems no matter no what. There are two kinds of problems—problems of growth and problems of decay. You generally want the problems of growth. They are great challenges to have—sustainability and how do we get to real scale and the kind of impact where every domestic worker in the nation knows that there is a movement they can connect to. There is a lot of work to do to organize, build, finance and sustain the movement. Most of these questions are not unique to us, so we work closely with other organizations to both learn and share as we experiment and build.
We have to continue to do what we do best—support our members. Leaning into your strengths is key. Whatever you already do well, that has to continue. But clearly what we know how to do isn’t sufficient, so I do believe that you also have to break off a certain amount of resources to experiment, take risks, and consistent with the notion of a “lean startup model,” be willing to fail, fail often, fail cheaply and learn.
Evaluation, reflection, and sharing out the reflections across the movement—9 times out of 10 there are local versions of the challenges we run into in national work, and the other way around. Working and learning across all those levels is key.
One is that we have this beautiful movement with 42 local organizations of domestic workers who are organizing and bringing women together locally to bring dignity and respect to this work, while envisioning a different future for our entire economy and democracy. We are growing movements. Our members are a huge source of inspiration and power.
We are also proud of having launched Caring Across Generations with our sister organization Jobs with Justice, bringing together interests that have historically been pitted against each other, to create a movement and set of solutions from the point were our interests come together. I think we’re modeling the kind of 21-century American democracy effort that will strengthen opportunity for everyone.
And we are proud of having won protections for domestic workers, by domestic workers in many of the states where they are most concentrated.
Insight from Surdna’s Sustainable Environments program on why we must reimagine infrastructure not as a series of massive national networks that seem to belong to nobody, but on a scale that people can comprehend—as systems that are in our neighborhoods and communities.
Employers Are Less Partisan than Congress, Saying that Higher Minimum Wage Would Boost Consumer Demand, Reduce Turnover, Increase Productivity and Improve Customer Satisfaction
Small business owners with employees strongly favor raising the federal minimum wage to $10.10 and adjusting it to keep up with the cost of living in future years, according to a national opinion poll released today. Small business owners are considerably less partisan than Congress in weighing the issue. The federal minimum wage has been set at $7.25 an hour since it was last increased five years ago in July 2009.
A striking 61% of small business employers support increasing the federal minimum wage in three stages over two and a half years, and then adjusting it annually to keep pace with the cost of living. This finding is higher than reported in previous small business polling, indicating growing support among small business owners for a $10.10 federal minimum wage.
Small business owners believe that a higher minimum wage would benefit business in important ways: 58% say raising the minimum wage would increase consumer purchasing power. 56% say raising the minimum wage would help the economy. In addition, 53% agree that with a higher minimum wage, businesses would benefit from lower employee turnover and increased productivity and customer satisfaction.
The poll of small business employers was conducted by Lake Research Partners, June 4-10, 2014, and commissioned by the American Sustainable Business Council and Business for a Fair Minimum Wage, both Surdna Foundation grantees.
Judilee Reed, Director of Surdna’s Thriving Cultures program shares her reflections from the past year and discusses her vision for the centrality of arts and culture in a sustainable community.
How did the conversion of a once-vacant South Dallas building into the boutique win the “Most Creative Financing” award from Dallas Business Journal last year? The answer, in part, is EB-5 funding that saw $5.5 million of the $19.8 million project covered by 11 individual foreign investors.
The federal program known as the EB-5 Investment Visa is a way for wealthy foreign nationals to obtain a green card in exchange for investing a minimum of $500,000 in projects that lead to the creation of U.S. jobs. The Initiative for a Competitive Inner City, for a on EB-5’s potential. effort created 161 jobs in Dallas’ Cedars neighborhood, where the poverty rate is higher than 40 percent, and was one of several projects reviewed by Kim Zeuli, senior vice president of
read more in Next City
New grant to support community development work
Springboard for the Arts is thrilled to announce that it has received a commitment of $750,000 over 3 years from the Surdna Foundation to support its community development programs.
“We are delighted to be able to partner with Springboard for the Arts on their community development work,” says Judilee Reed, Director, Thriving Cultures at the Surdna Foundation. “Springboard’s work—like our mission—underscores the critical role of the arts and artists in fostering more equitable and sustainable communities."
Support from the Surdna Foundation will support 3 key project areas at Springboard for the Arts:
-Artist Organizer Program – The Artist Organizer (AO) program roots artists with community-invested organizations, bringing creative skills to community and stakeholder engagement, and creating new innovative paths for the organization to achieve its goals. A pilot program of 7 AOs was successfully completed from 2013-2014 with Trust for Public Land, Project for Pride in Living, Frogtown Neighborhood Association, Partnership4Health, The Cornerstone Group, The Saint Paul Public Schools and Imagine Fergus Falls.
-Ready Go – Ready Go connects non-profits, businesses and neighborhoods to artist created, mobile tools that are purpose built to pique curiosity and prompt interaction. Ready Go functions as a mechanism (think Equipment Rental or Etsy) that allows artists with proven, existing tools to offer these projects for hire.
-Community Development Tools – Because of the recognition and visibility of Springboard’s community development work, there are an increasing number of requests to work with other communities. Creating toolkits and training materials to be shared through Springboard’s Creative Exchange platform and other venues will allow this work to be replicated and adapted.
“In this community development work artists can play a unique role as creative interpreters and communicators, making spaces to bring people together,” says Springboard for the Arts Executive Director Laura Zabel. “We are grateful to the Surdna Foundation for their long-term vision in supporting artists as part of thriving communities.”
About the Surdna Foundation
The Surdna Foundation seeks to foster sustainable communities in the United States -- communities guided by principles of social justice and distinguished by healthy environments, strong local economies, and thriving cultures. For over five generations, the Foundation has been governed largely by descendants of John Andrus and has developed a tradition of innovative service for those in need of help or opportunity. More at http://www.surdna.org/
About Springboard for the Arts
Springboard for the Arts is an economic and community development organization based in St. Paul and Fergus Falls, Minnesota. Springboard for the Arts’ mission is to cultivate vibrant communities by connecting artists with the resources they need to make a living and a life. Springboard programs include Artists Access to Healthcare, Professional Development, an Artist Resource Center, Minnesota Lawyers for the Arts, Irrigate Creative placemaking, and Creative Exchange, a new storytelling and resource sharing platform. More at http://www.springboardforthearts.org/
When Phil Henderson joined the as its president seven years ago, he led the nearly 100-year-old family foundation through an introspective process of defining its values and then reshaping its programs with a view far into the future.
Phillip Henderson was only 38 when he took the helm at the Surdna Foundation seven years ago, becoming Surdna’s second director in what he calls its “modern era.” Henderson came to the family foundation from a career that had been focused on international philanthropy, but he applied many of the lessons he learned fostering civic engagement in post-Communist Europe to Surdna’s domestic grantmaking. Henderson sat down with Shelterforce to talk about aligning program with mission, cross-pollination between programs, and Surdna’s recent launch into the impact investing world.
By Phillip Henderson | President, Surdna Foundation
“Don’t boo. Vote!”
That was President Obama’s spirited response at Monday’s White House Summit on Working Families to the crowd’s opinion of the obstructionist Congress—a Congress that has blocked his every attempt to pass paid maternity leave and other family-friendly legislation.
The President was reminding this group—a full house of hundreds and hundreds of activists, business leaders, foundations, labor leaders, experts, local and national elected officials and others—that to convince legislators to adopt family-friendly policies in the workplace means the democratic process must kick into high gear.
The President then electrified the room when he implored Americans to join the rest of the industrialized world and offer paid leave for mothers of newborns. "Many women can't even get a paid day off to give birth—now that's a pretty low bar.”
It’s such a straightforward, nonpartisan decision, he said, that “If France can figure this out, we can figure this out." I don’t think the Ambassador from France was in the room.
Some media skeptics dismissed President Obama’s emphasis on working family issues as a ploy to attract “women’s votes” during the upcoming mid-term elections. But he cut these critics off with irrefutable demographics: “At a time when women are nearly half of our workforce, anything that makes life harder for women, makes life harder for families, and makes life harder for children. There’s no such thing as a women’s issue; this is a family issue. This is an American issue.”
Surdna, one of Summit’s sponsors, has been supporting federal and state efforts to raise the minimum wage and ensure that paid sick days and paid family leave for low-wage workers becomes the norm. We’re also working to advance the conversation on quality jobs and activate the voice of businesses to promote fair wages, benefits, and career training.
A few of our grantees made significant contributions to the Summit:
Makini Howell, proprietor of Plum Bistro in Seattle and member of the Surdna-supported Main Street Alliance talked about the benefits to her business and employees of higher wages and paid sick days. As a food service entrepreneur, she
Another Surdna partner, Ellen Bravo, who leads Family Values @ Work and took the stage immediately after President Obama, spoke passionately about the many tragic cases of employers turning their backs on employees in need and actually increasing their pain and distress. She revealed the people behind some staggering numbers: 40 percent of American workers don’t earn a single paid sick day; millions who do can’t use the time to care for a sick family member. These women and men illustrate the huge financial loss and strain for families, but also for our entire economy. She spoke of the indelible human costs—the spread of sickness, the consequences of not seeing a doctor, and the utter heartbreak of a child alone in a hospital room.
And Ai-jen Poo, the charismatic leader of the National Domestic Workers Alliance, reminded all of us about the “invisible” workers in our society—a mostly female workforce—who care for our children, our parents, and tend to our families’ needs. But these women are systematically excluded from the protections afforded the rest of the labor force. Call it what you will –caregiving, domestic work, homecare—it’s the work that makes all other work possible. Yet it’s been devalued both because of who does it—women, originally African Americans, and today mostly immigrants.
It was remarkable to hear the President, First Lady, the Vice President, the Secretary of Labor, the House Minority Leader, and many other high-profile speakers voice emphatic support for addressing the many needs of working families. But the most moving moments of the Summit, the ones that captured the hopes and dreams of all the committed people in the room, came from advocates like our grantees. Nonprofit warriors working in the trenches of this movement. They helped to ground all of us in the realities of what’s happening in communities across the United States. It was a message both uplifting and sobering. We’ve come a long, long way, but there is so much more to be done.
I was again reminded of that message—work yet to be done—in conversations during the Summit with Neera Tanden President of the Center for American Progress, the event’s host, and with some Ford Foundation program staff, and Surdna’s own amazing staff. We agreed that the Summit must serve as a leaping off point for progress on issues from flexible scheduling, paid maternity and paternity leave, to a higher minimum wage, paid sick leave, and so much more.
While the full weight of the White House was on display, it will take a broad and deep movement to keep the pressure on, both in Congress and in state houses across the country. Now it’s time to seize on the momentum to create a better future for working families.
Fostering sustainable communities in the United States — communities guided by principles of social justice and distinguished by healthy environments, strong local economies, and thriving cultures.